Tag Archives: academia

Ideally, Exams Are for the Students

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I should preface this by saying I don’t actually know that much about education. I taught a bit in my previous life as a professor, yes, but I probably spent more time being taught how to teach than actually teaching.

Recently, the Atlantic had a piece about testing accommodations for university students, like extra time on exams, or getting to do an exam in a special distraction-free environment. The piece quotes university employees who are having more and more trouble satisfying these accommodations, and includes the statistic that 20 percent of undergraduate students at Brown and Harvard are registered as disabled.

The piece has kicked off a firestorm on social media, mostly focused on that statistic (which conveniently appears just before the piece’s paywall). People are shocked, and cynical. They feel like more and more students are cheating the system, getting accommodations that they don’t actually deserve.

I feel like there is a missing mood in these discussions, that the social media furor is approaching this from the wrong perspective. People are forgetting what exams actually ought to be for.

Exams are for the students.

Exams are measurement tools. An exam for a class says whether a student has learned the material, or whether they haven’t, and need to retake the class or do more work to get there. An entrance exam, or a standardized exam like the SAT, predicts a student’s future success: whether they will be able to benefit from the material at a university, or whether they don’t yet have the background for that particular program of study.

These are all pieces of information that are most important to the students themselves, that help them structure their decisions. If you want to learn the material, should you take the course again? Which universities are you prepared for, and which not?

We have accommodations, and concepts like disability, because we believe that there are kinds of students for whom the exams don’t give this information accurately. We think that a student with more time, or who can take the exam in a distraction-free environment, would have a more accurate idea of whether they need to retake the material, or whether they’re ready for a course of study, than a student who has to take the exam under ordinary conditions. And we think we can identify the students who this matters for, and the students for whom this doesn’t matter nearly as much.

These aren’t claims about our values, or about what students deserve. They’re empirical claims, about how test results correlate with outcomes the students want. The conversation, then, needs to be built on top of those empirical claims. Are we better at predicting the success of students that receive accommodations, or worse? Can we measure that at all, or are we just guessing? And are we communicating the consequences accurately to students, that exam results tell them something useful and statistically robust that should help them plan their lives?

Values come in later, of course. We don’t have infinite resources, as the Atlantic piece emphasizes. We can’t measure everyone with as much precision as we would like. At some level, generalization takes over and accuracy is lost. There is absolutely a debate to be had about which measurements we can afford to make, and which we can’t.

But in order to have that argument at all, we first need to agree on what we’re measuring. And I feel like most of the people talking about this piece haven’t gotten there yet.

Mandatory Dumb Acronyms

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Sometimes, the world is silly for honest, happy reasons. And sometimes, it’s silly for reasons you never even considered.

Scientific projects often have acronyms, some of which are…clever, let’s say. Astronomers are famous for acronyms. Read this list, and you can find examples from 2D-FRUTTI and ABRACADABRA to WOMBAT and YORIC. Some of these aren’t even “really” acronyms, using letters other than the beginning of each word, multiple letters from a word, or both. (An egregious example from that list: VESTALE from “unVEil the darknesS of The gAlactic buLgE”.)

But here’s a pattern you’ve probably not noticed. I suggest that you should see more of these…clever…acronyms in projects in Europe, and they should show up in a wider range of fields, not just astronomy. And the reason why, is the European Research Council.

In the US, scientific grants are spread out among different government agencies. Typical grants are small, the kind of thing that lets a group share a postdoc every few years, with different types of grants covering projects of different scales.

The EU, instead, has the European Research Council, or ERC, with a flagship series of grants covering different career stages: Starting, Consolidator, and Advanced. Unlike most US grants, these are large (supporting multiple employees over several years), individual (awarded to a single principal investigator, not a collaboration) and general (the ERC uses the same framework across multiple fields, from physics to medicine to history).

That means there are a lot of medium-sized research projects in Europe that are funded by an ERC grant. And each of them are required to have an acronym.

Why? Who knows? “Acronym” is simply one of the un-skippable entries in the application forms, with a pre-set place of honor in their required grant proposal format. Nobody checks whether it’s a “real acronym”, so in practice it often isn’t, turning into some sort of catchy short name with “acronym vibes”. It, like everything else on these forms, is optimized to catch the attention of a committee of scientists who really would rather be doing something else, often discussed and refined by applicants’ mentors and sometimes even dedicated university staff.

So if you run into a scientist in Europe who proudly leads a group with a cutesy, vaguely acronym-adjacent name? And you keep running into these people?

It’s not a coincidence, and it’s not just scientists’ sense of humor. It’s the ERC.

Explain/Teach/Advocate

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Scientists have different goals when they communicate, leading to different styles, or registers, of communication. If you don’t notice what register a scientist is using, you might think they’re saying something they’re not. And if you notice someone using the wrong register for a situation, they may not actually be a scientist.

Sometimes, a scientist is trying to explain an idea to the general public. The point of these explanations is to give you appreciation and intuition for the science, not to understand it in detail. This register makes heavy use of metaphors, and sometimes also slogans. It should almost never be taken literally, and a contradiction between two different scientist explanations usually just means they are using incompatible metaphors for the same concept. Sometimes, scientists who do this a lot will comment on other metaphors you might have heard, referencing other slogans to help explain what those explanations miss. They do this knowing that they do, in the end, agree on the actual science: they’re just trying to give you another metaphor, with a deeper intuition for a neglected part of the story.

Other times, scientists are trying to teach a student to be able to do something. Teaching can use metaphors or slogans as introductions, but quickly moves past them, because it wants to show the students something they can use: an equation, a diagram, a classification. If a scientist shows you any of these equations/diagrams/classifications without explaining what they mean, then you’re not the student they had in mind: they had designed their lesson for someone who already knew those things. Teaching may convey the kinds of appreciation and intuition that explanations for the general public do, but that goal gets much less emphasis. The main goal is for students with the appropriate background to learn to do something new.

Finally, sometimes scientists are trying to advocate for a scientific point. In this register, and only in this register, are they trying to convince people who don’t already trust them. This kind of communication can include metaphors and slogans as decoration, but the bulk will be filled with details, and those details should constitute evidence: they should be a structured argument, one that lays out, scientifically, why others should come to the same conclusion.

A piece that tries to address multiple audiences can move between registers in a clean way. But if the register jumps back and forth, or if the wrong register is being used for a task, that usually means trouble. That trouble can be simple boredom, like a scientist’s typical conference talk that can’t decide whether it just wants other scientists to appreciate the work, whether it wants to teach them enough to actually use it, or whether it needs to convince any skeptics. It can also be more sinister: a lot of crackpots write pieces that are ostensibly aimed at convincing other scientists, but are almost entirely metaphors and slogans, pieces good at tugging on the general public’s intuition without actually giving scientists anything meaningful to engage with.

If you’re writing, or speaking, know what register you need to use to do what you’re trying to do! And if you run into a piece that doesn’t make sense, consider that it might be in a different register than you thought.

Requests for an Ethnography of Cheating

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What is AI doing to higher education? And what, if anything, should be done about it?

Chad Orzel at Counting Atoms had a post on this recently, tying the question to a broader point. There is a fundamental tension in universities, between actual teaching and learning and credentials. A student who just wants the piece of paper at the end has no reason not to cheat if they can get away with it, so the easier it becomes to get away with cheating (say, by using AI), the less meaningful the credential gets. Meanwhile, professors who want students to actually learn something are reduced to trying to “trick” these goal-oriented students into accidentally doing something that makes them fall in love with a subject, while being required to police the credential side of things.

Social science, as Orzel admits and emphasizes, is hard. Any broad-strokes picture like this breaks down into details, and while Orzel talks through some of those details he and I are of course not social scientists.

Because of that, I’m not going to propose my own “theory” here. Instead, think of this post as a request.

I want to read an ethnography of cheating. Like other ethnographies, it should involve someone spending time in the culture in question (here, cheating students), talking to the people involved, and getting a feeling for what they believe and value. Ideally, it would be augmented with an attempt at quantitative data, like surveys, that estimate how representative the picture is.

I suspect that cheating students aren’t just trying to get a credential. Part of why is that I remember teaching pre-meds. In the US, students don’t directly study medicine as a Bachelor’s degree. Instead, they study other subjects as pre-medical students (“pre-meds”), and then apply to Medical School, which grants a degree on the same level as a PhD. As part of their application, they include a standardized test called the MCAT, which checks that they have the basic level of math and science that the medical schools expect.

A pre-med in a physics class, then, has good reason to want to learn: the better they know their physics, the better they will do on the MCAT. If cheating was mostly about just trying to get a credential, pre-meds wouldn’t cheat.

I’m pretty sure they do cheat, though. I didn’t catch any cheaters back when I taught, but there were a lot of students who tried to push the rules, pre-meds and not.

Instead, I think there are a few other motivations involved. And in an ethnography of cheating, I’d love to see some attempt to estimate how prevalent they are:

  1. Temptation: Maybe students know that they shouldn’t cheat, in the same way they know they should go to the gym. They want to understand the material and learn in the same way people who exercise have physical goals. But the mind, and flesh, are weak. You have a rough week, you feel like you can’t handle the work right now. So you compensate. Some of the motivation here is still due to credentials: a student who shrugs and accepts that their breakup will result in failing a course is a student who might have to pay for an extra year of ultra-expensive US university education to get that credential. But I suspect there is a more fundamental motivation here, related to ego and easy self-deception. If you do the assignment, even if you cheat for part of it, you get to feel like you did it, while if you just turn in a blank page you have to accept the failure.
  2. Skepticism: Education isn’t worth much if it doesn’t actually work. Students may be skeptical that the things that professors are asking them to do actually help them learn what they want to learn, or that the things the professors want them to learn are actually the course’s most valuable content. A student who uses ChatGPT to write an essay might believe that they will never have to write something without ChatGPT in life, so why not use it now? Sometimes professors simply aren’t explicit about what an exercise is actually meant to teach (there have been a huge number of blog posts explaining that writing is meant to teach you to think, not to write), and sometimes professors are genuinely pretty bad at teaching, since there is little done to retain the good ones in most places. A student in this situation still has to be optimistic about some aspect of the education, at some time. But they may be disillusioned, or just interested in something very different.
  3. Internalized Expectations: Do employers actually care if you get a bad grade? Does it matter? By the time a student is in college, they’ve been spending half their waking hours in a school environment for over a decade. Maybe the need to get good grades is so thoroughly drilled in that the actual incentives don’t matter. If you think of yourself as the kind of person who doesn’t fail courses, and you start failing, what do you do?
  4. External Non-Credential Expectations: Don’t worry about the employers, worry about the parents. Some college students have the kind of parents who keep checking in on how they’re doing, who want to see evidence and progress the same way they did when they were kids. Any feedback, no matter how much it’s intended to teach, not to judge, might get twisted into a judgement. Better to avoid that judgement, right?
  5. Credentials, but for the Government, not Employers: Of course, for some students, failing really does wreck their life. If you’re on the kind of student visa that requires you maintain grades a certain level, you’ve got a much stronger incentive to cheat, imposed for much less reason.

If you’re aware of a good ethnography of cheating, let me know! And if you’re a social scientist, consider studying this!

What You’re Actually Scared of in Impostor Syndrome

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Academics tend to face a lot of impostor syndrome. Something about a job with no clear criteria for success, where you could always in principle do better and you mostly only see the cleaned-up, idealized version of others’ work, is a recipe for driving people utterly insane with fear.

The way most of us talk about that fear, it can seem like a cognitive bias, like a failure of epistemology. “Competent people think they’re less competent than they are,” the less-discussed half of the Dunning-Kruger effect.

(I’ve talked about it that way before. And, in an impostor-syndrome-inducing turn of events, I got quoted in a news piece in Nature about it.)

There’s something missing in that perspective, though. It doesn’t really get across how impostor syndrome feels. There’s something very raw about it, something that feels much more personal and urgent than an ordinary biased self-assessment.

To get at the core of it, let me ask a question: what happens to impostors?

The simple answer, the part everyone will admit to, is to say they stop getting grants, or stop getting jobs. Someone figures out they can’t do what they claim, and stops choosing them to receive limited resources. Pretty much anyone with impostor syndrome will say that they fear this: the moment that they reach too far, and the world decides they aren’t worth the money after all.

In practice, it’s not even clear that that happens. You might have people in your field who are actually thought of as impostors, on some level. People who get snarked about behind their back, people where everyone rolls their eyes when they ask a question at a conference and the question just never ends. People who are thought of as shiny storytellers without substance, who spin a tale for journalists but aren’t accomplishing anything of note. Those people…aren’t facing consequences at all, really! They keep getting the grants, they keep finding the jobs, and the ranks of people leaving for industry are instead mostly filled with those you respect.

Instead, I think what we fear when we feel impostor syndrome isn’t the obvious consequence, or even the real consequence, but something more primal. Primatologists and psychologists talk about our social brain, and the role of ostracism. They talk about baboons who piss off the alpha and get beat up and cast out of the group, how a social animal on their own risks starvation and becomes easy prey for bigger predators.

I think when we wake up in a cold sweat remembering how we had no idea what that talk was about, and were too afraid to ask, it’s a fear on that level that’s echoing around in our heads. That the grinding jags of adrenaline, the run-away-and-hide feeling of never being good enough, the desperate unsteadiness of trying to sound competent when you’re sure that you’re not and will get discovered at any moment…that’s not based on any realistic fears about what would happen if you got caught. That’s your monkey-brain, telling you a story drilled down deep by evolution.

Does that help? I’m not sure. If you manage to tell your inner monkey that it won’t get eaten by a lion if its friends stop liking it, let me know!

The Rocks in the Ground Era of Fundamental Physics

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It’s no secret that the early twentieth century was a great time to make progress in fundamental physics. On one level, it was an era when huge swaths of our understanding of the world were being rewritten, with relativity and quantum mechanics just being explored. It was a time when a bright student could guide the emergence of whole new branches of scholarship, and recently discovered physical laws could influence world events on a massive scale.

Put that way, it sounds like it was a time of low-hanging fruit, the early days of a field when great strides can be made before the easy problems are all solved and only the hard ones are left. And that’s part of it, certainly: the fields sprung from that era have gotten more complex and challenging over time, requiring more specialized knowledge to make any kind of progress. But there is also a physical reason why physicists had such an enormous impact back then.

The early twentieth century was the last time that you could dig up a rock out of the ground, do some chemistry, and end up with a discovery about the fundamental laws of physics.

When scientists like Curie and Becquerel were working with uranium, they didn’t yet understand the nature of atoms. The distinctions between elements were described in qualitative terms, but only just beginning to be physically understood. That meant that a weird object in nature, “a weird rock”, could do quite a lot of interesting things.

And once you find a rock that does something physically unexpected, you can scale up. From the chemistry experiments of a single scientist’s lab, countries can build industrial processes to multiply the effect. Nuclear power and the bomb were such radical changes because they represented the end effect of understanding the nature of atoms, and atoms are something people could build factories to manipulate.

Scientists went on to push that understanding further. They wanted to know what the smallest pieces of matter were composed of, to learn the laws behind the most fundamental laws they knew. And with relativity and quantum mechanics, they could begin to do so systematically.

US particle physics has a nice bit of branding. They talk about three frontiers: the Energy Frontier, the Intensity Frontier, and the Cosmic Frontier.

Some things we can’t yet test in physics are gated by energy. If we haven’t discovered a particle, it may be because it’s unstable, decaying quickly into lighter particles so we can’t observe it in everyday life. If these particles interact appreciably with particles of everyday matter like protons and electrons, then we can try to make them in particle colliders. These end up creating pretty much everything up to a certain mass, due to a combination of the tendency in quantum mechanics for everything that can happen to happen, and relativity’s E=mc^2. In the mid-20th century these particle colliders were serious pieces of machinery, but still small enough to make industrial: now, there are so-called medical accelerators in many hospitals based on their designs. But current particle accelerators are a different beast, massive facilities built by international collaborations. This is the Energy Frontier.

Some things in physics are gated by how rare they are. Some particles interact only very faintly with other particles, so to detect them, physicists have to scan a huge chunk of matter, a giant tank of argon or a kilometer of antarctic ice, looking for deviations from the norm. Over time, these experiments have gotten bigger, looking for more and more subtle effects. A few weird ones still fit on tabletops, but only because they have the tools to measure incredibly small variations. Most are gigantic. This is the Intensity Frontier.

Finally, the Cosmic Frontier looks for the unknown behind both kinds of gates, using the wider universe to look at events with extremely high energy or size.

Pushing these frontiers has meant cleaning up our understanding of the fundamental laws of physics up to these frontiers. It means that whatever is still hiding, it either requires huge amounts of energy to produce, or is an extremely rare, subtle effect.

That means that you shouldn’t expect another nuclear bomb out of fundamental physics. Physics experiments are already working on vast scales, to the extent that a secret government project would have to be smaller than publicly known experiments, in physical size, energy use, and budget. And you shouldn’t expect another nuclear power plant, either: we’ve long passed the kinds of things you could devise a clever industrial process to take advantage of at scale.

Instead, new fundamental physics will only be directly useful once we’re the kind of civilization that operates on a much greater scale than we do today. That means larger than the solar system: there wouldn’t be much advantage, at this point, of putting a particle physics experiment on the edge of the Sun. It means the kind of civilization that tosses galaxies around.

It means that right now, you won’t see militaries or companies pushing the frontiers of fundamental physics, unlike the way they might have wanted to at the dawn of the twentieth century. By the time fundamental physics is useful in that way, all of these actors will likely be radically different: companies, governments, and in all likelihood human beings themselves. Instead, supporting fundamental physics right now is an act of philanthropy, maintaining a practice because it maintains good habits of thought and produces powerful ideas, the same reasons organizations support mathematics or poetry. That’s not nothing, and fundamental physics is still often affordable as philanthropy goes. But it’s not changing the world, not the way physicists did in the early twentieth century.

Two Types of Scientific Fraud: for a Fee and for Power

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A paper about scientific fraud has been making the rounds in social media lately. The authors gather evidence of large-scale networks of fraudsters across multiple fields, from teams of editors that fast-track fraudulent research to businesses that take over journals, sell spots for articles, and then move on to a new target when the journal is de-indexed. I’m not an expert in this kind of statistical sleuthing, but the work looks impressively thorough.

Still, I think the authors overplay their results a bit. They describe themselves as revealing something many scientists underestimate. They point to what they label as misconceptions: that scientific fraud is usually perpetrated alone by individual unethical scientists, or that it is almost entirely a problem of the developing world, and present their work as disproving those misconceptions. Listen to them, and you might get the feeling that science is rife with corruption, that no result, or scientist, can be trusted.

As far as I can tell, though, those “misconceptions” they identify are true. Someone who believes that scientific fraud is perpetrated by loners is probably right, as is someone who believes it largely takes place outside of the first world.

As is often the case, the problem is words.

“Scientific Fraud” is a single term for two different things. The two both involve bad actors twisting scientific activity. But in everything else — their incentives, their geography, their scale, and their consequences — they are dramatically different.

One of the types of scientific fraud is largely about power.

In references 84-89 of the paper, the authors give examples of large-scale scientific fraud in Europe and the US. All (except one, which I’ll mention later) are about the career of a single researcher. Each of these people systematically bent the truth, whether with dodgy statistics, doctored images, or inflating citation counts. Some seemed motivated to promote a particular scientific argument, cutting corners to push a particular conclusion through. Others were purer cases of self-promotion. These people often put pressure on students, postdocs, and other junior researchers in their orbits, which increases the scale of their impact. In some cases, their work rippled out to convince other researchers, prolonging bad ideas and strangling good ones. These were people with power, who leveraged that power to increase their power.

There also don’t appear to be that many of them. These people are loners in a meaningful sense, cores of fraud working on their own behalf. They don’t form networks with each other, for the most part: because they work towards their own aggrandizement, they have no reason to trust anyone else doing the same. I have yet to see evidence that the number of these people is increasing. They exist, they’re a problem, they’re important to watch out for. But they’re not a crisis, and they shouldn’t shift your default expectations of science.

The other, quite different, type of scientific fraud is fraud for a fee.

The cases this paper investigates seem to fall into this category. They are businesses, offering the raw material of academic credit (papers, co-authorship, citations, publication) for cash. They’re paper mills, of various sorts. These are, at least from an academic perspective, large organizations, with hundreds or thousands of customers and tens of suborned editors or scientists farming out their credibility. As the authors of this paper argue, fraudsters of this type are churning out more and more papers, potentially now fueled by AI, adding up to a still small, but non-negligible, proportion of scientific papers in total.

Compared to the first type of fraud, though, buying credit in this way doesn’t give very much power. As the paper describes, many of the papers churned out by paper mills don’t even go into relevant journals: for example, they mention “an article about roasting hazelnuts in a journal about HIV/AIDS care”. An article like that isn’t going to mislead the hazelnut roasting community, or the HIV/AIDS community. Indeed, that would be counter to its purpose. The paper isn’t intended to be read at all, and ideally gets ignored: it’s just supposed to inflate a number.

These numbers are most relevant in the developing world, and when push comes to shove, almost all of the buyers of these services identified by the authors of this paper come from there. In many developing countries, a combination of low trust and advice from economists leads to explicit point systems, where academics are paid or hired explicitly based on criteria like where and how often they publish or how they are cited. The more a country can trust people to vouch for each other without corruption, the less these kinds of incentives have purchase. Outside of the developing world, involvement in paper mills and the like generally seems to involve a much smaller number of people, and typically as sellers, not buyers: selling first-world credibility in exchange for fees from many developing-world applicants.

(The one reference I mentioned above is an interesting example of this: a system built out of points and low trust to recruit doctors from the developing world to the US, gamed by a small number of co-authorship brokers.)

This kind of fraud doesn’t influence science directly. Its perpetrators aren’t trying to get noticed, but to keep up a cushy scam. You don’t hear their conclusions in the press, other scientists don’t see their work. Instead, they siphon off resources: cannibalizing journals, flooding editors with mass-produced crap, and filling positions and slurping up science budgets in the countries that can least afford them. As they publish more and more, they shouldn’t affect your expectations of the credibility of science: any science you hear about will be either genuine, or fraud from the other category. But they do make the science you hear about harder and harder to do.

(The authors point out one exception: what about AI? If a company trains a large language model on the current internet, will its context windows be long enough to tell that that supposedly legitimate paper about hazelnuts is in an HIV/AIDS journal? If something gets said often enough, copied again and again in papers sold by a mill, will an AI trained on all these papers be convinced? Presumably, someone is being paid good money to figure out how to filter AI-generated slop from training data: can they filter paper mill fraud as well?)

It’s a shame that we have one term, scientific fraud, to deal with these two very different things. But it’s important to keep in mind that they are different. Fraud for power and fraud for money can have very different profiles, and offer very different risks. If you don’t trust a scientific result, it’s worth understanding what might be at play.

Newsworthiness Bias

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I had a chat about journalism recently, and I had a realization about just how weird science journalism, in particular, is.

Journalists aren’t supposed to be cheerleaders. Journalism and PR have very different goals (which is why I keep those sides of my work separate). A journalist is supposed to be uncompromising, to write the truth even if it paints the source in a bad light.

Norms are built around this. Serious journalistic outlets usually don’t let sources see pieces before they’re published. The source doesn’t have the final say in how they’re portrayed: the journalist reserves the right to surprise them if justified. Investigative journalists can be superstars, digging up damning secrets about the powerful.

When a journalist starts a project, the piece might turn out positive, or negative. A politician might be the best path forward, or a disingenuous grifter. A business might be a great investment opportunity, or a total scam. A popular piece of art might be a triumph, or a disappointment.

And a scientific result?

It might be a fraud, of course. Scientific fraud does exist, and is a real problem. But it’s not common, really. Pick a random scientific paper, filter by papers you might consider reporting on in the first place, and you’re very unlikely to find a fraudulent result. Science journalists occasionally report on spectacularly audacious scientific frauds, or frauds in papers that have already made the headlines. But you don’t expect fraud in the average paper you cover.

It might be scientifically misguided: flawed statistics, a gap in a proof, a misuse of concepts. Journalists aren’t usually equipped to ferret out these issues, though. Instead, this is handled in principle by peer review, and in practice by the scientific community outside of the peer review process.

Instead, for a scientific result, the most common negative judgement isn’t that it’s a lie, or a mistake. It’s that it’s boring.

And certainly, a good science journalist can judge a paper as boring. But there is a key difference between doing that, and judging a politician as crooked or a popular work of art as mediocre. You can write an article about the lying candidate for governor, or the letdown Tarantino movie. But if a scientific result is boring, and nobody else has covered it…then it isn’t newsworthy.

In science, people don’t usually publish their failures, their negative results, their ho-hum obvious conclusions. That fills the literature with only the successes, a phenomenon called publication bias. It also means, though, that scientists try to make their results sound more successful, more important and interesting, than they actually are. Some of the folks fighting the replication crisis have coined a term for this: they call it importance hacking.

The same incentives apply to journalists, especially freelancers. Starting out, it was far from clear that I could make enough to live on. I felt like I had to make every lead count, to find a newsworthy angle on every story idea I could find, because who knew when I would find another one? Over time, I learned to balance that pull better. Now that I’m making most of my income from consulting instead, the pressure has eased almost entirely: there are things I’m tempted to importance-hack for the sake of friends, but nothing that I need to importance-hack to stay in the black.

Doing journalism on the side may be good for me personally at the moment, but it’s not really a model. Much like we need career scientists, even if their work is sometimes boring, we need career journalists, even if they’re sometimes pressured to overhype.

So if we don’t want to incentivize science journalists to be science cheerleaders, what can we do instead?

In science, one way to address publication bias is with pre-registered studies. A scientist sets out what they plan to test, and a journal agrees to publish the result, no matter what it is. You could imagine something like this for science journalism. I once proposed a recurring column where every month I would cover a random paper from arXiv.org, explaining what it meant to accomplish. I get why the idea was turned down, but I still think about it.

In journalism, the arts offer the closest parallel with a different approach. There are many negative reviews of books, movies, and music, and most of them merely accuse the art of being boring, not evil. These exist because they focus on popular works that people pay attention to anyway, so that any negative coverage has someone to convince. You could imagine applying this model to science, though it could be a bit silly. I’m envisioning a journalist who writes an article every time Witten publishes, rating some papers impressive and others disappointing, the same way a music journalist might cover every Taylor Swift album.

Neither of these models are really satisfactory. You could imagine an even more adversarial model, where journalists run around accusing random scientists of wasting the government’s money, but that seems dramatically worse.

So I’m not sure. Science is weird, and hard to accurately value: if we knew how much something mattered already, it would be engineering, not science. Journalism is weird: it’s public-facing research, where the public facing is the whole point. Their combination? Even weirder.

Value in Formal Theory Land

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What makes a physics theory valuable?

You may think that a theory’s job is to describe reality, to be true. If that’s the goal, we have a whole toolbox of ways to assess its value. We can check if it makes predictions and if those predictions are confirmed. We can assess whether the theory can cheat to avoid the consequences of its predictions (falsifiability) and whether its complexity is justified by the evidence (Occam’s razor, and statistical methods that follow from it).

But not every theory in physics can be assessed this way.

Some theories aren’t even trying to be true. Others may hope to have evidence some day, but are clearly not there yet, either because the tests are too hard or the theory hasn’t been fleshed out enough.

Some people specialize in theories like these. We sometimes say they’re doing “formal theory”, working with the form of theories rather than whether they describe the world.

Physics isn’t mathematics. Work in formal theory is still supposed to help describe the real world. But that help might take a long time to arrive. Until then, how can formal theorists know which theories are valuable?

One option is surprise. After years tinkering with theories, a formal theorist will have some idea of which sorts of theories are possible and which aren’t. Some of this is intuition and experience, but sometimes it comes in the form of an actual “no-go theorem”, a proof that a specific kind of theory cannot be consistent.

Intuition and experience can be wrong, though. Even no-go theorems are fallible, both because they have assumptions which can be evaded and because people often assume they go further than they do. So some of the most valuable theories are valuable because they are surprising: because they do something that many experienced theorists think is impossible.

Another option is usefulness. Here I’m not talking about technology: these are theories that may or may not describe the real world and can’t be tested in feasible experiments, they’re not being used for technology! But they can certainly be used by other theorists. They can show better ways to make predictions from other theories, or better ways to check other theories for contradictions. They can be a basis that other theories are built on.

I remember, back before my PhD, hearing about the consistent histories interpretation of quantum mechanics. I hadn’t heard much about it, but I did hear that it allowed calculations that other interpretations didn’t. At the time, I thought this was an obvious improvement: surely, if you can’t choose based on observations, you should at least choose an interpretation that is useful. In practice, it doesn’t quite live up to the hype. The things it allows you to calculate are things other interpretations would say don’t make sense to ask, questions like “what was the history of the universe” instead of observations you can test like “what will I see next?” But still, being able to ask new questions has proven useful to some, and kept a community interested.

Often, formal theories are judged on vaguer criteria. There’s a notion of explanatory power, of making disparate effects more intuitively part of the same whole. There’s elegance, or beauty, which is the theorist’s Occam’s razor, favoring ideas that do more with less. And there’s pure coolness, where a bunch of nerds are going to lean towards ideas that let them play with wormholes and multiverses.

But surprise, and usefulness, feel more solid to me. If you can find someone who says “I didn’t think this was possible”, then you’ve almost certainly done something valuable. And if you can’t do that, “I’d like to use this” is an excellent recommendation too.

Amplitudes 2025 This Week

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Summer is conference season for academics, and this week held my old sub-field’s big yearly conference, called Amplitudes. This year, it was in Seoul at Seoul National University, the first time the conference has been in Asia.

(I wasn’t there, I don’t go to these anymore. But I’ve been skimming slides in my free time, to give you folks the updates you crave. Be forewarned that conference posts like these get technical fast, I’ll be back to my usual accessible self next week.)

There isn’t a huge amplitudes community in Korea, but it’s bigger than it was back when I got started in the field. Of the organizers, Kanghoon Lee of the Asia Pacific Center for Theoretical Physics and Sangmin Lee of Seoul National University have what I think of as “core amplitudes interests”, like recursion relations and the double-copy. The other Korean organizers are from adjacent areas, work that overlaps with amplitudes but doesn’t show up at the conference each year. There was also a sizeable group of organizers from Taiwan, where there has been a significant amplitudes presence for some time now. I do wonder if Korea was chosen as a compromise between a conference hosted in Taiwan or in mainland China, where there is also quite a substantial amplitudes community.

One thing that impresses me every year is how big, and how sophisticated, the gravitational-wave community in amplitudes has grown. Federico Buccioni’s talk began with a plot that illustrates this well (though that wasn’t his goal):

At the conference Amplitudes, dedicated to the topic of scattering amplitudes, there were almost as many talks with the phrase “black hole” in the title as there were with “scattering” or “amplitudes”! This is for a topic that did not even exist in the subfield when I got my PhD eleven years ago.

With that said, gravitational wave astronomy wasn’t quite as dominant at the conference as Buccioni’s bar chart suggests. There were a few talks each day on the topic: I counted seven in total, excluding any short talks on the subject in the gong show. Spinning black holes were a significant focus, central to Jung-Wook Kim’s, Andres Luna’s and Mao Zeng’s talks (the latter two showing some interesting links between the amplitudes story and classic ideas in classical mechanics) and relevant in several others, with Riccardo Gonzo, Miguel Correia, Ira Rothstein, and Enrico Herrmann’s talks showing not just a wide range of approaches, but an increasing depth of research in this area.

Herrmann’s talk in particular dealt with detector event shapes, a framework that lets physicists think more directly about what a specific particle detector or observer can see. He applied the idea not just to gravitational waves but to quantum gravity and collider physics as well. The latter is historically where this idea has been applied the most thoroughly, as highlighted in Hua Xing Zhu’s talk, where he used them to pick out particular phenomena of interest in QCD.

QCD is, of course, always of interest in the amplitudes field. Buccioni’s talk dealt with the theory’s behavior at high-energies, with a nice example of the “maximal transcendentality principle” where some quantities in QCD are identical to quantities in N=4 super Yang-Mills in the “most transcendental” pieces (loosely, those with the highest powers of pi). Andrea Guerreri’s talk also dealt with high-energy behavior in QCD, trying to address an experimental puzzle where QCD results appeared to violate a fundamental bound all sensible theories were expected to obey. By using S-matrix bootstrap techniques, they clarify the nature of the bound, finding that QCD still obeys it once correctly understood, and conjecture a weird theory that should be possible to frame right on the edge of the bound. The S-matrix bootstrap was also used by Alexandre Homrich, who talked about getting the framework to work for multi-particle scattering.

Heribertus Bayu Hartanto is another recent addition to Korea’s amplitudes community. He talked about a concrete calculation, two-loop five-particle scattering including top quarks, a tricky case that includes elliptic curves.

When amplitudes lead to integrals involving elliptic curves, many standard methods fail. Jake Bourjaily’s talk raised a question he has brought up again and again: what does it mean to do an integral for a new type of function? One possible answer is that it depends on what kind of numerics you can do, and since more general numerical methods can be cumbersome one often needs to understand the new type of function in more detail. In light of that, Stephen Jones’ talk was interesting in taking a common problem often cited with generic approaches (that they have trouble with the complex numbers introduced by Minkowski space) and finding a more natural way in a particular generic approach (sector decomposition) to take them into account. Giulio Salvatori talked about a much less conventional numerical method, linked to the latest trend in Nima-ology, surfaceology. One of the big selling points of the surface integral framework promoted by people like Salvatori and Nima Arkani-Hamed is that it’s supposed to give a clear integral to do for each scattering amplitude, one which should be amenable to a numerical treatment recently developed by Michael Borinsky. Salvatori can currently apply the method only to a toy model (up to ten loops!), but he has some ideas for how to generalize it, which will require handling divergences and numerators.

Other approaches to the “problem of integration” included Anna-Laura Sattelberger’s talk that presented a method to find differential equations for the kind of integrals that show up in amplitudes using the mathematical software Macaulay2, including presenting a package. Matthias Wilhelm talked about the work I did with him, using machine learning to find better methods for solving integrals with integration-by-parts, an area where two other groups have now also published. Pierpaolo Mastrolia talked about integration-by-parts’ up-and-coming contender, intersection theory, a method which appears to be delving into more mathematical tools in an effort to catch up with its competitor.

Sometimes, one is more specifically interested in the singularities of integrals than their numerics more generally. Felix Tellander talked about a geometric method to pin these down which largely went over my head, but he did have a very nice short description of the approach: “Describe the singularities of the integrand. Find a map representing integration. Map the singularities of the integrand onto the singularities of the integral.”

While QCD and gravity are the applications of choice, amplitudes methods germinate in N=4 super Yang-Mills. Ruth Britto’s talk opened the conference with an overview of progress along those lines before going into her own recent work with one-loop integrals and interesting implications of ideas from cluster algebras. Cluster algebras made appearances in several other talks, including Anastasia Volovich’s talk which discussed how ideas from that corner called flag cluster algebras may give insights into QCD amplitudes, though some symbol letters still seem to be hard to track down. Matteo Parisi covered another idea, cluster promotion maps, which he thinks may help pin down algebraic symbol letters.

The link between cluster algebras and symbol letters is an ongoing mystery where the field is seeing progress. Another symbol letter mystery is antipodal duality, where flipping an amplitude like a palindrome somehow gives another valid amplitude. Lance Dixon has made progress in understanding where this duality comes from, finding a toy model where it can be understood and proved.

Others pushed the boundaries of methods specific to N=4 super Yang-Mills, looking for novel structures. Song He’s talk pushes an older approach by Bourjaily and collaborators up to twelve loops, finding new patterns and connections to other theories and observables. Qinglin Yang bootstraps Wilson loops with a Lagrangian insertion, adding a side to the polygon used in previous efforts and finding that, much like when you add particles to amplitudes in a bootstrap, the method gets stricter and more powerful. Jaroslav Trnka talked about work he has been doing with “negative geometries”, an odd method descended from the amplituhedron that looks at amplitudes from a totally different perspective, probing a bit of their non-perturbative data. He’s finding more parts of that setup that can be accessed and re-summed, finding interestingly that multiple-zeta-values show up in quantities where we know they ultimately cancel out. Livia Ferro also talked about a descendant of the amplituhedron, this time for cosmology, getting differential equations for cosmological observables in a particular theory from a combinatorial approach.

Outside of everybody’s favorite theories, some speakers talked about more general approaches to understanding the differences between theories. Andreas Helset covered work on the geometry of the space of quantum fields in a theory, applying the method to a general framework for characterizing deviations from the standard model called the SMEFT. Jasper Roosmale Nepveu also talked about a general space of theories, thinking about how positivity (a trait linked to fundamental constraints like causality and unitarity) gets tangled up with loop effects, and the implications this has for renormalization.

Soft theorems, universal behavior of amplitudes when a particle has low energy, continue to be a trendy topic, with Silvia Nagy showing how the story continues to higher orders and Sangmin Choi investigating loop effects. Callum Jones talks about one of the more powerful results from the soft limit, Weinberg’s theorem showing the uniqueness of gravity. Weinberg’s proof was set up in Minkowski space, but we may ultimately live in curved, de Sitter space. Jones showed how the ideas Weinberg explored generalize in de Sitter, using some tools from the soft-theorem-inspired field of dS/CFT. Julio Parra-Martinez, meanwhile, tied soft theorems to another trendy topic, higher symmetries, a more general notion of the usual types of symmetries that physicists have explored in the past. Lucia Cordova reported work that was not particularly connected to soft theorems but was connected to these higher symmetries, showing how they interact with crossing symmetry and the S-matrix bootstrap.

Finally, a surprisingly large number of talks linked to Kevin Costello and Natalie Paquette’s work with self-dual gauge theories, where they found exact solutions from a fairly mathy angle. Paquette gave an update on her work on the topic, while Alfredo Guevara talked about applications to black holes, comparing the power of expanding around a self-dual gauge theory to that of working with supersymmetry. Atul Sharma looked at scattering in self-dual backgrounds in work that merges older twistor space ideas with the new approach, while Roland Bittelson talked about calculating around an instanton background.

Also, I had another piece up this week at FirstPrinciples, based on an interview with the (outgoing) president of the Sloan Foundation. I won’t have a “bonus info” post for this one, as most of what I learned went into the piece. But if you don’t know what the Sloan Foundation does, take a look! I hadn’t known they funded Jupyter notebooks and Hidden Figures, or that they introduced Kahneman and Tversky.